Martin (1992: 107):
With partial nominal reference this picture is a more complicated one. The following paradigm provides a discourse oriented interpretation of the function of indefinite deixis where this is not conflated with the Head of a nominal group, but realised separately through the Deictic function in nominal group structure.
MARKED:
|
UNMARKED:
|
|||
SINGULAR
|
PLURAL/MASS
|
SINGULAR
|
PLURAL/MASS
|
|
UNRESTRICTED
|
any
|
any
|
a
|
/ïsm/
|
NONPARTICULAR
|
/some/
|
Ø
|
a
|
/ïsm/
|
PARTICULAR
|
one
|
/some/
|
a
|
/ïsm/
|
MAJOR
ROLE
|
this,
a certain
|
these,
certain
|
a
|
/ïsm/
|
Blogger Comments:
[1] This again confuses (structural interpersonal) deixis with (non-structural textual) reference, and misrepresents these grammatical systems as discourse semantic. The theoretical inconsistency involves both metafunction and stratification.
[2] The wording "discourse oriented interpretation" merely provides Martin with a pretext for re-classifying the deictic function of determiners in SFL theory, without providing any evidence or argument in support of the reclassification; cf Table 6-3 in Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 368):
[3] This misclassifies the specific determiners, this and these as 'indefinite' and misclassifies their number distinction as singular vs plural/mass instead of singular/mass vs plural (Halliday & Matthiessen 2014: 365). To be more concrete:
- singular: this misunderstanding
- mass: this information, not these information
- plural: these misunderstandings
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